William Samuel Johnson of Connecticut had summed it up well: "in one branch, the people ought to be represented; in the other, the States." [n3] Judge Tuttle, disagreeing with the court's reliance on that opinion, dissented from the dismissal, though he would have denied an injunction at that time in order to give the Georgia Legislature ample opportunity to correct the "abuses" in the apportionment. . . founded in a vicious principle of representation and which must be as short-lived as it would be unjust. The assemblage at the Philadelphia Convention was by no means committed to popular government, and few of the delegates had sympathy for the habits or institutions of democracy. I, 2 that Representatives be chosen "by the People of the several States" [n9] means that, as [p8] nearly as is practicable, one man's vote in a congressional election is to be worth as much as another's. WebBaker v. Carr, supra, considered a challenge to a 1901 Tennessee statute providing for apportionment of State Representatives and Senators under the State's constitution, which called for apportionment among counties or districts 'according to the number of qualified electors in each.' [n39]. IV Elliot's Debates 257. I, 2 and 4, the surrounding text, and the relevant history [p42] are all in strong and consistent direct contradiction of the Court's holding. [n2] A difference of this magnitude in the size of districts, the average population of which in each State is less than 500,000, [n3] is presumably not equality among districts "as nearly as is practicable," although the Court does not reveal its definition of that phrase. Id. . number of people alone [was] the best rule for measuring wealth, as well as representation, and that, if the Legislature were to be governed by wealth, they would be obliged to estimate it by numbers. The trial court, however, did not pass upon the merits of the case, although it does appear that it did make a finding that the Fifth District of Georgia was "grossly out of balance" with other congressional districts of the State. WebBaker v. Carr (1962) is the U.S. Supreme Court case that held that federal courts could hear cases alleging that a states drawing of electoral boundaries, i.e. Similar bills introduced in the current Congress are H.R. Wilson urged that people must be represented as individuals, so that America would escape [p15] the evils of the English system, under which one man could send two members to Parliament to represent the borough of Old Sarum, while London's million people sent but four. Act of Apr. 71 (1961). "[N]umbers," he said, not only are a suitable way to represent wealth, but, in any event, "are the only proper scale of representation." The complaint alleged that appellants were deprived of the full benefit of their right to vote, in violation of (1) Art. All districts have roughly equal populations within states. [n25] At last those who supported representation of the people in both houses and those who supported it in neither were brought together, some expressing the fear that, if they did not reconcile their differences, "some foreign sword will probably do the work for us." A three-judge District Court, though recognizing the gross population imbalance of the Fifth District in relation to the other districts, dismissed the complaint for "want of equity.". . 6428, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. The case was heard by a three-judge District Court, which found unanimously, from facts not disputed, that: It is clear by any standard . To handle this, they create a new jurisdiction that collects taxes from everyone in the area and operates bus lines throughout the area. As in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, which involved alleged malapportionment of seats in a state legislature, the District Court had jurisdiction of the subject matter; appellants had standing to sue, and they had stated a justiciable cause of action on which relief could be granted. None of his remarks bears on apportionment within the States. . The Federalist, No. The Great Compromise concerned representation of the States in the Congress. 10. no one district electing more than one Representative. . . The difference between challenges brought under the Equal Protection Clause and the Guaranty Clause is not enough to decide against existing precedent. . 248 (1962). [p49]. (d) Any Representative elected to the Congress from a district which does not conform to the requirements set forth in subsection (c) of this section shall be denied his seat in the House of Representatives and the Clerk of the House shall refuse his credentials. ." . . The Court's decision represented a clear deviation from a long history of judicial restraint, he argued. a group of citizens proposes a law banning gay marriage in a state, which the public then votes on in an election. [n21], The delegates who wanted every man's vote to count alike were sharp in their criticism of giving each State, [p12] regardless of population, the same voice in the National Legislature. Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355, Koenig v. Flynn, 285 U.S. 375, and Carroll v. Becker, 285 U.S. 380, concerned the choice of Representatives in the Federal Congress. . I, 4, of the Constitution [n7] had given Congress "exclusive authority" to protect the right of citizens to vote for Congressmen, [n8] but we made it clear in Baker that nothing in the language of that article gives support to a construction that would immunize state congressional apportionment laws which debase a citizen's right to vote from the power of courts to protect the constitutional rights of individuals from legislative destruction, a power recognized at least since our decision in Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, in 1803. at 490-492 (Gunning Bedford of Delaware). . [n48]. Suppose a survey of individuals who recently moved asked respondents how satisfied they were with the public services at their new location relative to their old one. . The reasons which led to these conclusions in Baker are equally persuasive here. . This is the "historical context" which the Convention debates provide. For the year 2020, the engineers forecast that 9%9 \%9% of all major Denver bridges will have ratings of 4 or below. [n10] This rule is followed automatically, of course, when Representatives are chosen as a group on a statewide basis, as was a widespread practice in the first 50 years of our Nation's history. 575, 86th Cong., 1st Sess. 3, 1928, 69 Cong.Rec. I, 2, restricted the power of the States to prescribe the conduct of elections conferred on them by Art. The truth is that it does not. What was the decision in Baker v Carr quizlet? State residents could then choose the level of pollution regulation that best suits their residents. Baker v. Carr (1962) was a landmark case concerning re-apportionment and redistricting. I Farrand 449-450, 457. I believe that the court erred in so doing. The extent to which the Court departs from accepted principles of adjudication is further evidenced by the irrelevance to today's issue of the cases on which the Court relies. Only a demonstration which could not be avoided would justify this Court in rendering a decision the effect of which, inescapably, as I see it, is to declare constitutionally defective the very composition of a coordinate branch of the Federal Government. How great a difference between the populations of various districts within a State is tolerable? ." The only remedy to his lack of representation would be a federal court order to require re-apportionment, the attorneys told the Court. The question of what relief should be given we leave for further consideration and decision by the District Court in light of existing circumstances. . [p45]. 539,592373,583166,009, Kentucky(7). The Court relies in part on Baker v. Carr, supra, to immunize its present decision from the force of Colegrove. And, considering the state governments and general government as distinct bodies, acting in different and independent capacities for the people, it was thought the particular regulations should be submitted to the former, and the general regulations to the latter. Indeed, if the Congress could never agree on any regulations, then certainly no objection to the 4th section can remain; for the regulations introduced by the state legislatures will be the governing rule of elections, until Congress can agree upon alterations. 13, 14. . He said "It is agreed on all sides that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation." . The result was the Constitutional Convention of 1787, called for "the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation. 28. . Plaintiffs sought an injunction to prevent any further elections until the legislature had passed new redistricting laws to establishment of a federal income tax after the adoption of the Sixteenth Amendment. It will, I presume, be as readily conceded that there were only three ways in which this power could have been reasonably modified and disposed, that it must either have been lodged wholly in the National Legislature, or wholly in the State Legislatures, or primarily in the latter and ultimately in the former. from that state [South Carolina], will not be chosen by the people, but will be the representatives of a faction of that state. 2 of the Constitution does not mandate that congressional districts must be equal in population. 491,461277,861213,600, NorthDakota(2). Unfortunately I can join neither the opinion of the Court nor the dissent of my Brother HARLAN. Such failure violates both judicial restraint and separation of powers concerns under the Constitution. He developed a six prong test to guide the Court in future decisions regarding whether or not a question is "political." . Contrary to the Court's statement, ante, p. 18, no reader of The Federalist "could have fairly taken . 653,954195,551458,403, Connecticut(6). . 841; 87th Cong., 1st Sess. The unstated premise of the Court's conclusion quite obviously is that the Congress has not dealt, and the Court believes it will not deal, with the problem of congressional apportionment in accordance with what the Court believes to be sound political principles. Since I believe that the Constitution expressly provides that state legislatures and the Congress shall have exclusive jurisdiction over problems of congressional apportionment of the kind involved in this case, there is no occasion for me to consider whether, in the absence of such provision, other provisions of the Constitution, relied on by the appellants, would confer on them the rights which they assert. MR. JUSTICE CLARK, concurring in part and dissenting in part. [n23], The dispute came near ending the Convention without a Constitution. . See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) Moreover, by focusing exclusively on numbers in disregard of the area and shape of a congressional district as well as party affiliations within the district, the Court deals in abstractions which will be recognized even by the politically unsophisticated to have little relevance to the realities of political life. Of all the federal countries considered in our edited volume, Courts in Federal Countries: Federalists or Unitarists? . [n46] There was no reapportionment following the 1920 census. equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment forbids . . WebCharles W. Baker and other Tennessee citizens argued that a 1901 law designed to apportion the seats for the state's General Assembly was virtually ignored. The cases of Baker v. Carr (1962) and Wesberry v. Sanders (1964) established that all electoral districts of state legislatures and the United States House of Representatives must be equal in size by population within state. . What inference can you make? 1. . 491. WebWesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964) was a U.S. Supreme Court case involving U.S. Congressional districts in the state of Georgia. The above implications of the three-fifths compromise were recognized by Madison. . Mr. Justice Frankfurter did not, of course, speak for a majority of the Court in Colegrove, but refusal for that reason to give the opinion precedential effect does not justify refusal to give appropriate attention to the views there expressed. University of Colorado engineers used a probabilistic model to forecast the inspection ratings of all major bridges in Denver (Journal of Performance of Constructed Facilities, February 2005). . Representatives were elected at large in Alabama (8), Alaska (1), Delaware (1), Hawaii (2), Nevada (1), New Mexico (2), Vermont (1), and Wyoming (1). there is no apparent judicial remedy or set of judicial standards for resolving the issue, a decision cannot be made without first making a policy determination that is not judicial in nature, the Court cannot undertake an "independent resolution" without "expressing lack of the respect due coordinate branches of government", there is an unusual need for not questioning a political decision that has already been made, "the potentiality of embarrassment" from multiple decisions being issued by various departments regarding one question. Smiley v. Holm presented two questions: the first, answered in the negative, was whether the provision in Art. 57 (Cooke ed.1961), 389. We do not believe that the Framers of the Constitution intended to permit the same vote-diluting discrimination to be accomplished through the device of districts containing widely varied numbers of inhabitants. Australian justices have insisted that the commerce regulated under the interstate trade and commerce power really have an interstate character. I would enter an additional caveat. . The constitutional right which the Court creates is manufactured out of whole cloth. Although there is little discussion of the reasons for omitting the requirement of equally populated districts, the fact that such a provision was included in the bill as it was presented to the House, [n49] and was deleted by the House after debate and notice of intention to do so, [n50][p44] leaves no doubt that the omission was deliberate. The High Court of Australia consists of seven justices. The populations of the largest and smallest districts in each State and the difference between them are contained in an Appendix to this opinion. Decision: The Warren Court reached a 6-2 verdict in favor of Baker. What is done today saps the political process. In both countries, the idea that certain powers were reserved to the states influenced the courts in their early days, only to be eclipsed by the view that each power conferred on the federal legislature is to be interpreted as widely as the language used can reasonably sustain, without considering what is left over to the states. 841, 87th Cong., 1st Sess., which amends 2 U.S.C. But he had in mind only that other clear provision of the Constitution that representation would be apportioned among the States according to population. None of the Court's references [p34] to the ratification debates supports the view that the provision for election of Representatives "by the People" was intended to have any application to the apportionment of Representatives within the States; in each instance, the cited passage merely repeats what the Constitution itself provides: that Representatives were to be elected by the people of the States. This view was articulated in the landmark Engineers case, which held that the federal government could employ its industrial arbitration power (s. 51(xxxv)) to regulate the employment conditions of state employees (Amalgamated Society of Engineers v. Adelaide Steamship Co Ltd, (1920) 28 C.L.R. The qualifications on which the right of suffrage depend are not perhaps the same in any two States. supra, 93-96. 12. While those who wanted both houses to represent the people had yielded on the Senate, they had not yielded on the House of Representatives. There are some important differences of course. [n28][p37] He explained further that his proposal was not intended to impose a requirement on the other States, but "to enable the states to act their discretion without the control of Congress." Writing legislation is difficult, and members will let other members do it. Comparing Australian and American federal jurisprudence. It cannot be supposed that delegates to the Convention would have labored to establish a principle of equal representation only to bury it, one would have thought beyond discovery, in 2, and omit all mention of it from 4, which deals explicitly with the conduct of elections. Hacker, Congressional Districting (1963), 7-8. Which of the following was a reason the framers of the Constitution created a federal system of government? . The legislative history of the 1929 Act is carefully reviewed in Wood v. Broom, 287 U.S. 1. Baker has standing to challenge Tennessees apportionment statutes. The appearance of support in that section derives from the Court's confusion of two issues: direct election of Representatives within the States and the apportionment of Representatives among the States. In 1991, a group of white voters in North Carolina challenged the state's new congressional district map, which had two majority-minority districts. . 627,019223,387403,632, Texas(23). https://www.thoughtco.com/baker-v-carr-4774789 (accessed March 1, 2023). to be worth as much as another's," ante, p. 8. See infra, pp. It soon became clear that the Confederation was without adequate power to collect needed revenues or to enforce the rules its Congress adopted. . Powers not specifically delegated to the federal government are reserved for the states. The provisions for apportioning Representatives and direct taxes have been amended by the Fourteenth and Sixteenth Amendments, respectively. . Again, in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 232 (1962), the opinion of the Court recognized that Smiley "settled the issue in favor of justiciability of questions of congressional redistricting." Bakers argument stated that because the districts had not been redrawn and the rural district had ten times fewer people, the rural votes essentially counted more denying him equal protection of the law. [n32] Responding [p39] to the suggestion that the Congress would favor the seacoast, he asserted that the courts would not uphold, nor the people obey, "laws inconsistent with the Constitution." Pp. . . 3. He noted that the Rhode Island Legislature was "about adopting" a plan which would [p35] "deprive the towns of Newport and Providence of their weight." . Id. Both sides seemed for a time to be hopelessly obstinate. Elianna Spitzer is a legal studies writer and a former Schuster Institute for Investigative Journalism research assistant. 530,316236,870293,446. I, 2. This article was published more than5 years ago. 10. 276, 281 (1952). Govt. One would expect, at the very least, some reference to Art. Despite a swell in population, certain urban areas were still receiving the same amount of representatives as rural areas with far less voters. Cf. ; H.R. . . . 16. 45. "Baker v. Carr: Supreme Court Case, Arguments, Impact." Justice Brennan focused the decision on whether redistricting could be a "justiciable" question, meaning whether federal courts could hear a case regarding apportionment of state representatives. . This diversity would be obviously unjust. But since the slaves added to the representation only of their own State, Representatives [p28] from the slave States could have been thought to speak only for the slaves of their own States, indicating both that the Convention believed it possible for a Representative elected by one group to speak for another nonvoting group and that Representatives were in large degree still thought of as speaking for the whole population of a State. This is not a case in which the Court vindicates the kind of individual rights that are assured by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, whose "vague contours," Rochin v. California, 342 U.S. 165, 170, of course, leave much room for constitutional developments necessitated by changing conditions in a dynamic society. The current case is different than Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1 (1849), because it is brought under the Equal Protection Clause and Luther challenged malapportionment under the Constitutions Guaranty Clause. [n25], He proposed a resolution explaining that Congress had such power only if a state legislature neglected or refused or was unable to regulate elections itself. The remarks of Madison cited by the Court are as follows: The necessity of a Genl. However, Art. [n37] In No. This Court, no less than all other branches of the Government, is bound by the Constitution. As the Court repeatedly emphasizes, delegates to the Philadelphia Convention frequently expressed their view that representation should be based on population. This dismissal can no more be justified on the ground of "want of equity" than on the ground of "nonjusticiability." [n24], In the New York convention, during the discussion of 4, Mr. Jones objected to congressional power to regulate elections because such power, might be so construed as to deprive the states of an essential right, which, in the true design of the Constitution, was to be reserved to them. [n44] In 1872, Congress required that Representatives, be elected by districts composed of contiguous territory, and containing as [p43] nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants, . This is all that the Constitution requires. WebBaker V Carr. 5 & 4 & 10 & 0 On the contrary, the Court substitutes its own judgment for that of the Congress. The Federalist, No. Although the Court finds necessity for its artificial construction of Article I in the undoubted importance of the right to vote, that right is not involved in this case. . [n36] The delegates referred to rotten borough apportionments in some of the state legislatures as the kind of objectionable governmental action that the Constitution should not tolerate in the election of congressional representatives. Section 4 states without qualification that the state legislatures shall prescribe regulations for the conduct of elections for Representatives and, equally without qualification, that Congress may make or [p30] alter such regulations. [n27]. Pp. [n19], To this end, he proposed a single legislative chamber in which each State, as in the Confederation, was to have an equal vote. Also, every State was to have "at Least one Representative." I had not expected to witness the day when the Supreme Court of the United States would render a decision which casts grave doubt on the constitutionality of the composition of the House of Representatives. 47. . I think it is established that "this Court has power to afford relief in a case of this type as against the objection that the issues are not justiciable," [*] and I cannot subscribe to any possible implication to the contrary which [p51] may lurk in MR. JUSTICE HARLAN's dissenting opinion. The progressive elimination of the property qualification is described in Sait, American Parties and Elections (Penniman ed., 1952), 16-17. For the statutory standards under which these commissions operate, see House of Commons (Redistribution of Seats) Acts of 1949, 12 13 Geo. If the Court were correct, Madison's remarks would have been pointless. [n13] It freezes upon both, for no reason other than that it seems wise to the majority of the present Court, a particular political theory for the selection of Representatives. Baker argued that re-apportionment was vital to the equality in the democratic process. Yes. 1896) 15. 6. Baker, like many other residents in urban areas of Tennessee, found himself in a situation where his vote counted for less due to a lack of representation, his attorneys argued. I love them.. Stories that brim with optimism. WebREYNOLDS v. SIMS ABROAD: A BRITON COMPARES APPORTIONMENT CRITERIA VIVIAN VALE University of Southampton HE CASE of Baker v. Carr, and its progeny Wesberry v. Sanders to Rey-nolds v. Sims and beyond, seemed to have provided American political scientists and legal commentators with native pasture rich enough for many years' grazing. . Since then, despite repeated efforts to obtain congressional action again, Congress has continued to leave the problem and its solution to the States. 28.See id. at 374. None of those cases has the slightest bearing on the present situation. * Georgia Laws, Sept.-Oct. 1962, Extra.Sess. The Supreme Court had ruled a decision in favor of Shaw and the other residents. There are no textually demonstrable commitments present regarding equal protection issues by other branches of government. As late as 1842, seven States still conducted congressional elections at large. 276, 279-280. 70 Cong.Rec. constructing the interstate highway system. 5. 506,854378,499128,355, Montana(2). Since Baker is an individual bringing suit against the state government, no separation of power concerns result. At the time of the Revolution. Baker v. Carr stated that states have to redraw district lines but the population in every district must be equal, to correct malapportionment. I], not only as those powers were necessary for preserving the union, but also for securing to the people their equal rights of election. The Australian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and prohibits any establishment of religion in terms very similar to the U.S. First Amendment. Georgias Fifth congressional district had a population that was two to three times greater than the populations of other Georgia districts, yet each district had one representative. A long history of judicial restraint and separation of power concerns result edited,... 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Cases has the slightest bearing on the ground of `` nonjusticiability. to the... A state is tolerable, '' ante, p. 18, no less than all other of... I believe that the Confederation was without adequate power to collect needed revenues or enforce! Relief should be given we leave for further consideration and decision by the district Court in future decisions whether! Of all the federal countries considered in our edited volume, Courts in federal countries considered in our volume! A long history of the property qualification is described in Sait, American Parties and (! Districts must be equal, to immunize its present decision from the force of Colegrove suits their residents have! Must be as short-lived as it would be a federal system of government a new jurisdiction collects. 1, 2023 ) represented a clear deviation from a long history of the Congress reasons which to. 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[ n23 ], the dispute came near ending the Convention debates.! Protection issues by other branches of government which led to these conclusions in Baker v Carr quizlet of power result. Of Baker congressional Districting ( 1963 ), 16-17 between challenges brought under the Constitution all branches... Is not enough to decide against existing precedent is an individual bringing suit the!
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